1964 United States presidential election in Alabama: Difference between revisions

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However, in Alabama, the May 5, 1964 primary chose a set of unpledged Democratic electors,<ref name="CQ"/> by a margin of five-to-one,<ref>McDannald, Alexander Hopkins; ''Yearbook of the Encyclopedia Americana'' (1965), p. 63</ref> whilst Governor [[George Wallace]] refused totally President Johnson's civil rights and [[racial segregation in the United States|desegregation]] legislation via the [[Civil Rights Act of 1964]].<ref>Frederick, Jeff; ''Stand Up for Alabama: Governor George Wallace''; pp. 96-99 {{ISBN|0817315748}}</ref> Unlike in Mississippi with the [[Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party|MFDP]], no effort to challenge this Wallace-sponsored slate with one loyal to the national party was attempted.<ref>Cleghorn, Reece; 'Who Speaks for Mississippi' ''The Reporter'', August 13, 1944, pp. 31-33</ref> Consequently, Johnson would become the third winning president-elect to not appear on the ballot in Alabama, following on from [[Abraham Lincoln]] in [[United States presidential election in Alabama, 1860|1860]] and [[Harry S. Truman]] in [[United States presidential election in Alabama, 1948|1948]].
 
Under Wallace's guidance, the Alabama [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic Party]] placed this slate of unpledged Democratic electors on the ballot,<ref name="Alabama">{{Cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1964/05/03/alabama-expected-to-choose-electors-backed-by-wallace.html|title=Alabama Expected To Choose Electors Backed by Wallace|date=1964-05-03|work=The New York Times|access-date=2017-12-09|language=en-US|issn=0362-4331}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.thecrimson.com/article/1964/10/21/flowers-attacks-wallace-democrats-prichmond-flowers/|title=Flowers Attacks Wallace Democrats|last=Denton|first=Herbert H.|date=October 21, 1964|website=The Harvard Crimson|language=en|archive-url=|archive-date=|dead-url=|access-date=2017-12-09}}</ref> against the advice of some legal scholars,<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1964/06/14/unpledged-votes-are-held-illegal.html|title=Unpledged Votes Are Held Illegal|date=1964-06-14|work=The New York Times|access-date=2017-12-09|language=en-US|issn=0362-4331}}</ref> but after planning to run for president himself (as he would do in [[1968 United States presidential election|1968]]), decided against this in July.
 
Initially it was expected that this slate – the only option for mainstream Democrats in Alabama – would be pledged to Wallace himself, but the Governor released them from pledges to vote for him if elected.<ref>Carlson, Jody; ''George C. Wallace and the Politics of Powerlessness: The Wallace Campaigns for the Presidency, 1964-76'', p. 41 {{ISBN|1412824494}}</ref> Once campaigning began, Wallace supported Republican nominee Barry Goldwater<ref>Grimes, Roy; 'Look Away, Look Away...', ''[[The Victoria Advocate]]'', October 11, 1964, p. 4A</ref> and did nothing to support the unpledged slate against the Arizona Senator, although he did campaign for Democratic candidates for state and local offices.<ref>Cleghord, Reece; 'Aftermath in Alabama'; ''The Reporter'', December 3, 1964, p. 34</ref>
Republican Barry Goldwater, viewed as a dangerous right-wing extremist in the older Northeastern heartland of the Republican Party,<ref>Leopold, Les; ''The Man Who Hated Work and Loved Labour''; {{ISBN|1933392630}}</ref> was thrashed there as had been uniformly predicted before the poll, with Texas Governor [[John Connally]] saying Goldwater would win only Alabama and Mississippi.<ref>'At Southern Governors' Meet: Approval of Wallace Proposal Is Unlikely'; ''[[The Dispatch (Lexington)|The Dispatch]]'', October 14, 1964, p. 1</ref>
 
Nevertheless, his opposition to the pending [[Civil Rights Act of 1964|Civil Rights Act]] and [[Medicare (United States)|Medicare]]<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1144&dat=19641013&id=xWocAAAAIBAJ&sjid=L08EAAAAIBAJ&pg=7056,4910656|title=Medicare Vote Hurt Goldwater|last=Lubell|first=Samuel|date=October 13, 1964|work=The Pittsburgh Press|access-date=December 9, 2017|archive-url=|archive-date=|dead-url=}}</ref> plus his ability to unite white Alabamians of different classes meant Goldwater could capture the "[[Black Belt (region of Alabama)|black belt]]" counties<ref name="Changing">Havard, William C. (editor); ''The Changing Politics of the South''; pp. 440-441 {{ISBN|0807100463}}</ref> that were historically the basis of Alabama's limited-suffrage single-party politics, at a time when 77 percent of blacks still had not registered to vote.<ref>Havard (editor); ''The Changing Politics of the South''; p. 21</ref>
 
Goldwater did equally well in those [[Appalachia]] counties where Republicans had been competitive in presidential elections even at the height of the "[[Solid South]]".<ref name="Changing" /> Only in the [[North Alabama]] counties of [[Lauderdale County, Alabama|Lauderdale]], [[Colbert County, Alabama|Colbert]], [[Limestone County, Alabama|Limestone]], [[Jackson County, Alabama|Jackson]] and [[Cherokee County, Alabama|Cherokee]] – hostile to Goldwater's proposal to [[privatization|privatize]] the [[Tennessee Valley Authority]]<ref>McMahon, Kevin J.; Rankin, David M.; Beachler, Donald W. and White, John Kenneth; ''Winning the White House, 2008'', p. 107 {{ISBN|0230607683}}</ref> – and in [[Macon County, Alabama|Macon County]], home of [[Tuskegee University]], did Goldwater not obtain a majority. Even with powerful opposition to TVA privatization, those northern counties voting against Goldwater did so by no more than twelve percent in Limestone County.<ref>David Leip's Atlas of U.S. Presidential Elections; [http://uselectionatlas.org/RESULTS/datagraph.php?year=1964&fips=1&f=0&off=0&elect=0 1964 Presidential General Election Data Graphs – Alabama]</ref>
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