1964 United States presidential election in Alabama: Difference between revisions

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(the Republicans didn't win Alabama in 1876)
In the [[United States presidential election, 1964|1964 United States presidential election]], [[Alabama]] was the only state in which the [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic Party]] nominee, [[President of the United States|President]] [[Lyndon B. Johnson]] did not appear on the ballot, as then-Governor [[George Wallace]] did not accept his civil rights and [[racial segregation in the United States|desegregation]] legislation.<ref>Frederick, Jeff; ''Stand Up for Alabama: Governor George Wallace''; pp. 96-99 {{ISBN|0817315748}}</ref> Wallace allowed the state [[Democratic Party]] to place a set of unpledged Democratic electors on the ballot, but after planning to run for President himself (as he would do in 1968) decided against this in July<ref>Rohler, Lloyd Earl; ''George Wallace: Conservative Populist'', p. 40 {{ISBN|0313311196}}</ref> and supported Republican nominee Barry Goldwater.<ref>Grimes, Roy; ‘Look Away, Look Away...’, ''[[The Victoria Advocate]]'', October 11, 1964, p. 4A</ref> This was the third time a winning President-elect did not appear on the ballot in Alabama, following on from [[Abraham Lincoln]] in [[United States presidential election, 1860|1860]] and [[Harry S. Truman]] in [[United States presidential election in Alabama, 1948|1948]].
Republican Barry Goldwater, viewed as a dangerous right-wing extremist in the older Northeastern heartland of the Republican Party,<ref>Leopold, Les; ''The Man Who Hated Work and Loved Labour''; {{ISBN|1933392630}}</ref> was thrashed there as had been uniformly predicted before the poll, with Texas Governor John Connally saying Goldwater would win only Alabama and Mississippi.<ref>‘At Southern Governors’ Meet: Approval of Wallace Proposal Is Unlikely’; ''[[The Dispatch (Lexington)|The Dispatch]]'', October 14, 1964, p. 1</ref> Nevertheless, his opposition to the pending [[Civil Rights Act]] and Medicare<ref>Lubell, Samuel; ‘Medicare Vote Hurt Goldwater’; ''[[The Pittsburgh Press]]''; October 13, 1964</ref> plus his ability to unite white Alabamans of different classes meant Goldwater could capture the “[[Black Belt (region of Alabama)|black belt]]” counties<ref name="Changing">Havard, William C. (editor); ''The Changing Politics of the South''; pp. 440-441 {{ISBN|0807100463}}</ref> that were historically the basis of Alabama’s limited-suffrage single-party politics, at a time when 77 percent of blacks still had not registered to vote.<ref>Havard (editor); ''The Changing Politics of the South''; p. 21</ref> Goldwater did equally well in those [[Appalachia]] counties where Republicans had been competitive in Presidential elections even at the height of the “[[Solid South]]”.<ref name="Changing"/> Only in the [[North Alabama]] counties of [[Lauderdale County, Alabama|Lauderdale]], [[Colbert County, Alabama|Colbert]], [[Limestone County, Alabama|Limestone]], [[Jackson County, Alabama|Jackson]] and [[Cherokee County, Alabama|Cherokee]] – hostile to Goldwater’s proposal to [[privatization|privatize]] the [[Tennessee Valley Authority]]<ref>McMahon, Kevin J.; Rankin, David M.; Beachler, Donald W. and White, John Kenneth; ''Winning the White House, 2008'', p. 107 {{ISBN|0230607683}}</ref> – and in [[Macon County, Alabama|Macon County]], home of [[Tuskegee University]], did Goldwater not obtain a majority. Even with powerful opposition to TVA privatization, those northern counties voting against Goldwater did so by no more than twelve percent in Limestone County.<ref>David Leip’s Atlas of U.S. Presidential Elections; [http://uselectionatlas.org/RESULTS/datagraph.php?year=1964&fips=1&f=0&off=0&elect=0 1964 Presidential General Election Data Graphs – Alabama]</ref>
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